France. Genocide Rwanda 1994. A partial admission of guilt to hide the truth.
Part one. French support for the racial regime before and during the genocide.
Vincent Duclert Historical Commission charged by President Emmanuel Macron has submit two days ago the final report according to State Archive researches. The report’s conclusions criticize the “failure of France in Rwanda”, stressing, however, that “nothing proves” that it was “complicit” in the genocide which, according to the UN, caused 1,000,000 deaths. Rwanda has welcome the results but announcing the imminent publication of own report on French complicity on 1994 Genocide. Duclert Commission seams have product a partial admission of guilt to hide the truth. Here we discover why.
Two years ago, French President Emmanuel Macron announced the creation inquiring commission of historians to shed full light on France’s role in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. The government placed the historian Vincent Duclert to coordinate the commission, opening the archives relating to the Rwanda dossier. The conclusions of the historical research were delivered to the Presidency two days ago and partially revealed to the media by offering exclusivity to France Presse. The report’s conclusions criticize the “failure of France in Rwanda”, stressing, however, that “nothing proves” that it was “complicit” in the genocide which, according to the UN, caused 1,000,000 deaths.
“The report marks a considerable step in understanding and judging commitment. I encourage the continuation of the knowledge and memory work on the Tutsi genocide with the opening in the coming days of the main archive collections on this dossier. France will continue its efforts to combat the impunity of people responsible for crimes of genocide “. President Macron says to the national media.
“The government of Rwanda welcomes the Duclert Commission report, which represents an important step towards a common understanding of France’s role in the 1994 genocide against the Tutsis. An investigative report commissioned by the Rwanda government in 2017 will be released in the coming weeks. whose conclusions will enrich those of the Duclert Commission “, said the Rudandan Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
The focal point of the Rwandan communiqué is the final sentence which states that its own investigative report on the events of 1994 will be published shortly. The Kigali government, while welcoming it, judges the Diclert report to be incomplete. “The report states that nothing in the archives consulted demonstrates France’s complicity, but notes that France has long been embroiled in a regime that encouraged racist massacres. According to the report, France, however, remained blind to the preparation of a genocide by the most radical elements of this regime. The complicity of the French government, however, is nothing new as documented in various reports and books by French authors. France is accused of helping the genocidal regime in Rwanda at the time and of having a direct role in the genocide ”. Reads an editorial published on March 26 in the leading Rwandan newspaper The New Times. (https://www.newtimes.co.rw/news/rwanda-welcomes-french-experts-report-1994-genocide)
To understand the reservations expressed by Rwanda, it is necessary to contextualize the historical events not only of the specific period of the genocide (April — July 1994) but of the periods before the Holocaust and those after, arriving at the current situation that sees the Rwandan terrorist group Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda — FDLR controlling a whole country: Burundi and preparing a major invasion plan against Rwanda to regain the power lost in 1994. An obligatory historical and journalistic exercise to contextualize the half-truths contained in the Diclert report but not easy to execute.
Genocide. Numbers and revisionism.
On the night of April 6, 1994, the presidential plane on which Rwandan head of state Juvenal Habyrimana was traveling, returning from the Arusha peace talks, was shot down by two surface-to-air missiles while landing at Kigali International Airport. The murder was commissioned by the First Lady: Agathe Habyarimana (First Lady), General Théoneste Bagosora, Defense Minister Augustin Bizimana, Paratrooper Commander Aloys Ntabakuze, Presidential Guard Chief Protais Mpiranya, the businessman Felicien Kabuga, main financier of the Interahamwe genocidal militia, Pascal Musabe, head of the Interahamwe and Joseph Nzirorera, head of the second genocidal militia: Impuzamugambi.
Why did Habyrimana to force his most trusted collaborators and his wife’s to eliminate him? The President was accepting a peace agreement and the power sharing with the Tutsi guerrilla Patriotic Front of Rwanda — FPR led by Paul Kagame. Agathe (called the Black Widow) and the various Generals saw in these agreements a fatal blow to the Hutu dominance and, above all, to the economic mafia they had created that was plundering the country. President Juvenal’s strategy was to end the civil war that began in 1991 (which he was losing) by creating a government of national unity charged with organizing new elections.
Juvenal was convinced he would win them as the majority of the population (Hutu) would vote based on ethnic loyalty. The FPR and Paul Kagame would be s tati defeated not on the battlefield but at the polls. Their return to the guerrillas would have considered inacceptable, attracting the condemnation of the international community. The plan was opposed by his wife and the generals as they feared that the moderate Hutu wing within the regime and some important opposition parties would join forces with Kagame, increasing the chances of his electoral victory.
It is no coincidence that the first victims of the genocide were Hutu: Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana, President of the Constitutional Court Joseph Kavaruganda, Minister of Agriculture Frederic Nzamurambaho, the leader of the Liberal Party Landwald Ndasingwa (along with his Canadian wife) and the head of the Arusha peace negotiations Boniface Ngulinzira. The executions, led by Major Bernard Ntuyahaga, commanding officer of the Presidential Guard units, aimed at beheading the moderate Hutu leadership in order not to represent an obstacle to the mafia lobby created within the racial regime and led by the Black Widow.
The victims of the genocide were 1 million people in 100 days. Eight hundred thousand Tutsis and two hundred thousand moderate Hutus killed by genocidal militias, Rwandan army and police. A simple mathematical average indicates that genocidal forces adhering to the HutuPower ideology of death killed daily 10,000 people during the 100 days of the Holocaust. The reality is even more horrifying. 70% of the victims were killed in the three weeks of April with an average of 33,400 victims per day. In the remaining 79 days the genocidal forces undertook to hunt down the fugitives, managing to kill the other 300,000 victims. Among them 120,000 people were killed between July and August 1994 in northeaster Rwanda, near the border with Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo). These areas were part of the “Zona Franca” established by the French military of Operation Turquoise, so the massacres took place under the eyes of France …
Side by side with genocide are two revisionist actions. The first, carried out by genocidal forces, France and some sectors of the Catholic Church, was a double genocide carried out by the Tutsis against the Hutus that took place between Rwanda and Congo after the victory of Paul Kagame. This genocide never happened according to independent UN investigations which only found massacres of Rwandan refugees in Congo during the First Pan-African War of 1996 which ousted the Zairian dictator Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Ngbendu Wa Zabanga, known in the West as Mobutu. The second revisionist action was carried out by the current Rwandan government. Since 2012 officially Rwanda speaks only about Tutsi victims, defining the events as “Tutsi Genocide”. In this revision, the memory of 200,000 moderate Hutus who opposed the massacres and were murdered by their own ethnic group has been erased.
Involvement of France before the genocide.
The impressive rhythms of the slaughter were only possible thanks to the participation of the Hutu population, infected by decades of anti-Tutsi racial propaganda. The hatred that the HutuPower regime had instilled among the majority of Rwandan Hutus against their Tutsi brothers alone does not explain the effectiveness of the genocide unless one takes into account that the Holocaust was meticulously prepared at least 2 years earlier. This is where France comes into play. Contrary to the conclusions of the Duclert report, there is extensive documentation and evidence of France’s active and conscious involvement in the preparations for the genocide. Paris was aware of the extermination plan and supported and facilitated it. Investigative journalist Linda Melvern’s analysis of documents released from the Paris archive of former President François Mitterrand shows how the invasion of the Kagame RPF in October 1990 was regarded by Paris as a clear attack by an English-speaking neighbour. in a French-speaking country.
France in 1991 prevented Kagame from conquering Rwanda, personally fighting the Tutsi rebels, pushing them back across the border into Uganda. French soldiers supported by the Presidential Guard of Zaire fought on behalf of the Rwandan racial regime as its armed forces were unable to withstand the military confrontation against the Kagame rebels.
When Paris found that the defeat inflicted on the RPF was a Pyrrhic victory, the belief arose among the Mitterrand government of the existence of an Anglo-American plan to diminish French influence (and business) in the Great Lakes Region. The conviction dictated the need to unreservedly support Habyarimana’s HutuPower regime and subsequently the provisional government formed by his wife and generals after liquidating the Rwandan President and moderate Hutu ministers. The thesis was based on Kagame’s alliances: Ugand a, Ethiopia, United States, Great Britain, Israel, with the consent of Canada.
The task of stopping the Anglophone advance was entrusted to a secret network of military officers, politicians, diplomats, businessmen and agents of the French secret services. A network coordinated personally by President Francois Mitterrand, facilitated by the fact that the foreign policy aimed at Africa is not the responsibility of Parliament but of an obscure and semi-clandestine department of the Eliseo called “Elisé African Cell” (known as FranceAfrique) acting autonomously and responding only to the President. Its main task is to defend France’s predatory economic right over the natural resources of the former African colonies and African countries under French-speaking influence, including Rwanda and Burundi.
Between 1992 and 1994, France inundated Rwanda with weapons that will be used for genocide. The evidence was found at the French Embassy after the genocide ended but not recognized by Paris, which considered them false products by the guerrilla Paul Kagame to further consolidate his victory. The registers found at the French Embassy list all arms deliveries, including 1 million machetes from China with funds from an agricultural development project offered by the French Cooperation and the European Cooperation. In addition to arms, France guaranteed military cooperation which included the direct participation of military advisers and French units present in Rwanda in the clashes against Kagame’s rebels.
A list of Rwandan officers prepared by Rwandan army officers within the Rwandan Ministry of Defense and dated March 5, 1994, shows three French military instructors working as “technical assistants” in the reconnaissance battalion. In the Rwandan Air Force there were two French flight instructors, a navigator, an air traffic controller and a mechanic. In the para-commandos, under Colonel Aloys Ntabakuze, there were four French senior officers including a major in the French army.
Linda Melvern’s investigations were confirmed by a report by Human Rights Watch and the French investigative commission of the National Assembly (2004) which found serious irregularities in the delivery of weapons to Rwanda during the years 1990 to 1994.
General Romeo Dallaire genocide Fax. Overwhelming evidence that France was aware of the total extermination plans.
On 11 January 1994, Canadian General Roméo Dallaire, commander of UNAMIR (UN peacekeeping mission in Rwanda), sent a report on the political and military situation of Rwanda to the UN headquarters later known as the “Genocide Fax”. General Dallaire’s report was based on sworn testimony from an informer within the genocidal militias named “Jean-Pierre”: Kassim Turatsinze. The informant had provided irrefutable evidence that a genocidal plan was in place and detailed lists of deaths and weapons depots to be delivered to civilians were handed over to Dallaire. The Canadian general asked the United Nations for permission to intervene militarily against these genocidal militias to avoid the Holocaust. The request was rejected by the United Nations due to strong pressure from France, a permanent member of the Security Council. To be sure that Dallaire did not decide “autonomous” actions, France managed to convince the UN to withdraw most of the blue helmets present in Rwanda, leaving Dallaire with only a handful of men, clearly insufficient to stop a genocide.
France, a leading actor during the genocide.
During the early days of the genocide, France launched Amaryllis, a military operation involving 190 paratroopers, assisted by the Belgian army and UNAMIR, to evacuate expatriates from Rwanda. In reality it was an operation in favor of the Rwandan genocidal government. Together with the French expatriates, the families of several high-profile members of the regime who were massacring the population were evacuated. French soldiers refused to evacuate any Rwandan of Tutsi origin. At the assembly point, French soldiers also separated mixed families, allowing French citizens to be evacuated but not their wives and children if they were of Tutsi origin. The latter were handed over to the genocidal militias who massacred them on the spot. This is what emerges from the testimonies collected between Rwandans and French by the historian expert on the Great Lakes: Gerard Prunier.
Throughout April and May 1994 the rebel forces that had occupied territories in the north of the country were blocked by the defenses of the Rwandan army while the genocidal militias Interahamwe and Impuzamugambi slaughtered the population in Kigali, in the main cities and in countryside. On the front line there were French military instructors who participated directly in the fighting against Paul Kagame’s rebels to stop their offensive on Kigali to stop the genocide in progress and to liberate the country. At the diplomatic level, France was committed to preventing the International Community from recognizing that a genocide was taking place in Rwanda, preferring to speak of an indistinct ethnic war. The international community recognized the nature of the genocide only thanks to the clear position taken by the Vatican. Pope John Paul II (aka Karol Józef Wojtyła) was the first Western Head of State to define the civil war in Rwanda as Genocide.
Operation Torquoise to save the Rwandan racial regime.
In June 1994 Kagame rebels had managed to break through the front line of the Rwandan army. France then decided to launch Operation Turquoise, disguised as a humanitarian mission to receive UN approval. The declared goal of Paris was to create humanitarian areas for displaced persons, refugees and civilians in danger in Rwanda northeaster provinces near to the border with Zaire. The command of Operation Torquoise was in Goma (North Kivu Congo) and the logistic one — operational in Bukavu (South Kivu, Congo), both bordering Rwanda.
In reality, the goal was to divide Rwanda in two by creating a territory controlled by the Rwandan army and genocidal militias. In fact, what was left of the Rwandan army took refuge in the “humanitarian” area under French control. After Kagame’s conquest of Kigali, the Interahamwe and Impuzamugambi militias were also welcomed into the humanitarian zone. The main objective was to force Kagame to accept a government of national unity with the genocide actors. Alternatively, create two distinct geographical areas, two Rwanda. One controlled by the Kagame FPR Liberation Forces. The other by Black Widow and her Generals genocidal forces. According to Human Whatch Rights, Operation Turquoise had another purpose: to prevent an RPF victory. HRW reported that some military officers in Paris had spoken openly about “breaking Kagame’s back”.
During the brief Operation Turquoise the French troops clashed directly against the FPR rebels who inflicted heavy defeats due to the prohibition of the White House and the Pentagon from using the French military aviation stationed in Brazzaville (Republic of Congo) and Bangui ( Central African Republic). In July 1994 the General Staff of the French army had to ascertain the impossibility of defending the territories of the humanitarian zone. As a result, he organized the withdrawal of genocidal forces in neighbouring Zaire, forcing nearly a million civilians to become refugees.
The military reorganization of the genocidal forces who took refuge in Zaire.
After the defeat of the French military forces of Operation Turquoise, inflicted by the Patriotic Front of Rwanda liberation army led by Paul Kagame and the withdrawal of the Rwandan genocidal forces protected by the French army, Paris organizes Rwanda reconquers plans starting from Zaire (current Democratic Republic of Congo).
During the retreat of the Rwandan army and the Interahamwe and Impuzamugambi genocidal militias, France actively participated in forcing 1 million civilians (Hutus) to become refugees in Zaire. These civilians were used to transform the refugee camps set up in Bukavu, Goma and Uvira (eastern Congo) into military operation camps for genocidal forces with the aim of reorganizing them and promoting the conquest of Rwanda.
From Zaire what remained of the genocidal forces was reorganized and rearmed. France played a leading role in allowing these genocidal forces to control Rwandan refugee camps in South and North Kivu, allowing them to get their hands on the millions of dollars paid by the international community to assist refugees in Rwanda. Many historians hypothesize a (nefarious) collaboration of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Able to draw on unlimited funds, arms and training supplies from France, and a reservoir of young people to be recruited from refugee camps, the genocidal forces launched 14 attacks on Rwanda between 1995 and 1996.
Among the myriad of foreign NGOs assisting refugees, it was only Doctors Without Borders who denounced that genocidal people controlled hundreds of thousands of refugees, used them as human shields and a source of recruitment for their terrorist acts against Rwanda. MSF decided to stop humanitarian assistance so as not to end Western funding in the hands of these genocidal people who would use them to buy weapons, invade Rwanda and end the extermination of the Tutsis. The other NGOs continued the business “as usually” pretending not to see the evidence.
After numerous official requests of the new Rwandan government addressed to the United Nations and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to separate the genocidal forces from the refugees in the camps set up in Goma, Bukavu, Uvira, on 9 September 1996 Rwandan troops invade Zaire placing an end to the genocidal threat. An orchestrated invasion with troops from Angola, Burundi, Ethiopia, Uganda claiming to support an unknown Congolese liberation movement led by Desirè Laurent Kabila, a former 1960s revolutionary who fought with Che Guevara in his unsuccessful venture to liberate the Congo , and subsequently recycled into a gold trafficker between Buizza (Bujumbura district, Burundi) and Dar Es Salam, Tanzania.
2000. Paris creates the FDLR terrorist group.
The first pan-African war was to put an end to the sad genocidal parenthesis. On the contrary, this interlude has lasted to the present day thanks to the intervention of France which in 2000 reorganized what remains of the Rwandan genocidal forces by creating the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda — FDLR.
This group, included in the list of international terrorist groups in 2004, becomes the main actor of the political instability and illegal trafficking of precious minerals in the Great Lakes Region. He is involved in the Second Pan-African War in Congo (1997–2004) and in the subsequent Banyaruanda rebellions (Congolese Tutsi) of Laurent Nkunda (2009) and the March 23 — M23 Movement (2012). Thanks to the alliance with the dictator Joseph Kabila (who came to power in January 2001 after participating in the conspiracy to assassinate his father), the FDLR in 2018 controlled territories east of the Congo of the same size as Belgium. Territories rich in diamonds, gold and coltan. The main political leaders of the FDLR (for the most part wanted internationally for the genocide of 1994) currently reside in France which protects them by denying Rwanda numerous requests for extradition. Until October 2016 the headquarters of the political command of the FDLR was a few meters from the Elisé.
Paris’ support for HutuPower forces also involves Burundi.
The French involvement in favor of the HutuPower cause was not limited to Rwanda but also involved its twin country: Burundi devastated by a civil war that began in 1993. According to various historical sources, the genocide of the Tutsi was not supposed to take place in Rwanda but in Burundi. Plan thwarted with the coup against extremist president Melchiorre Ndadaye organized by General Pierre Buyoya, former Burundian president who died in France in December 2020. During Burundian civil war, France supported the genocidal rebel groups CNDD-FDD led by the Lord with arms and money of the War Pierre Nkurunziza and FNL led by Agathon Rwasa (current leader of the Burundian opposition).
At the end of the conflict, France supported the CNDD-FDD regime that came to power thanks to the compromises made during the Arusha peace accords which provided for an alternation in power between Hutu and Tutsi. An alternation blocked by Nkurunziza who established a Nazi racial regime trying to imitate Habyarimana Rwandan regime. France was, together with Russia and China, the main obstacle for the United Nations to intervene against the Burundian regime which since 2015 has been massacring its own population and in particular the Tutsis. According to African intelligence sources, Paris also promoted the political alliance between the CNDD-FDD and the FDLR, now present en masse in Burundi.
France is currently engaged (together with some European Christian lobbies) in the attempt to rehabilitate the Burundian CNDD-FDD regime. The message that we are trying to convey to the European Parliament is that of a will of President Évariste Ndayishimiye (alias General Neva) and of the Prime Minister: Major General Alain-Guillaume Bunyoni, of a strong democratic openness after death (assassination? ) of the WarLord Pierre Nkurunziza, July 2020. The attempt aims to resume EU funding that was blocked in 2016 due to the serious crimes committed by the Burundian regime between 2015 and 2017 following the popular uprising after the announcement of Nkurunziza to access a third presidential term (April 2015).
A group of 46 UE MPs, the UN Commission of Inquiry into Burundi, Amnesty International and Human Watch Rights, through careful reports, have shown that the current leadership of the CNDD-FDD in Burundi has not abandoned the HutuPower ideology. Their ultimate goal is to exterminate the Burundian Tutsis and to conquer Rwanda to form a large HutuPower state called “Urundi”, the ancient name of the two countries under colonial times.
The attempt by France to rehabilitate the Burundian regime is paradoxically hampered by the actions of the Burundian regime. During the co In talks with EU delegates, the CNDD-FDD continued to massacre political opponents and Tutsis. He launched an ethnic census and sentenced 46 opposition leaders and 12 civil society leaders and journalists to life imprisonment. These had been designated by the EU as the interlocutors for the national reconciliation process in Burundi …
Further notes.
N° 1271: ASSEMBLÉE NATIONALE: CONSTITUTION DU 4 OCTOBRE 1958: ONZIÈME LÉGISLATURE: Enregistré à la Présidence de l’Assemblée nationale le 15 décembre 1998: RAPPORT D’INFORMATION: DÉPOSÉ: en application de l’article 145 du Règlement: PAR LA MISSION D’INFORMATION(1) DE LA COMMISSION DE LA DÉFENSE NATIONALE ET DES FORCES ARMÉES ET DE LA COMMISSION DES AFFAIRES ÉTRANGÈRES, sur les opérations militaires menées par la France, d’autres pays et l’ONU au Rwanda entre 1990 et 1994. Online posting. National Assembly of France. December 15, 1998.
“France admits genocide ‘mistakes’ “. BBC News. 25 February 2010. Retrieved 14 August 2013.
Linda Melvern, “France and genocide”, The Times, August 8, 2008. Archived June 4, 2011, at the Wayback Machine
Melvern 2004d Des Forges 1999, “Acknowledging Genocide » French Soldiers: A Private Initiative?”.
N° 1271: ASSEMBLÉE NATIONALE: CONSTITUTION DU 4 OCTOBRE 1958: ONZIÈME LÉGISLATURE: Enregistré à la Présidence de l’Assemblée nationale le 15 décembre 1998: RAPPORT D’INFORMATION: DÉPOSÉ: en application de l’article 145 du Règlement: PAR LA MISSION D’INFORMATION(1) DE LA COMMISSION DE LA DÉFENSE NATIONALE ET DES FORCES ARMÉES ET DE LA COMMISSION DES AFFAIRES ÉTRANGÈRES, sur les opérations militaires menées par la France, d’autres pays et l’ONU au Rwanda entre 1990 et 1994. Online posting. National Assembly of France. December 15, 1998. Proposition 1271
“Génocide rwandais: le rapport sur le rôle de la France remis à Paul Kagamé”, AFP, November 17, 2007
^”France accused on Rwanda killings”, BBC News, October 24, 2006
“Le Rwanda revient à Paris”. Afrik.com. October 31, 2001. Retrieved March 15, 2011.
^”France took part in 1994 genocide: Rwandan report”. AFP. February 5, 2008. Archived from the original on July 8, 2009. Retrieved April 2, 2009.
“France accused in Rwanda genocide” — BBC, August 5, 2008.
^Rwanda: French accused in genocide, New York Times, August 6, 2008.
Arthur Asiimwe (August 5, 2008). “Rwanda accuses France directly over 1994 genocide”. Reuters. Retrieved August 5, 2008.
Jean-Pierre Thiollet, Hallier Edernellement vôtre, “L’honneur à jamais perdu de M. Mitterrand” (p.67–74) & “Génocide au Rwanda” (p.279–287), Neva Editions, 2019. ISBN 978–2–35055–273–6
Martin Plaut (August 5, 2008). “Rwanda report raises issue of motive”. BBC News. Retrieved April 2, 2009.
Genin, Aaron (2019–04–30). “FRANCE RESETS AFRICAN RELATIONS: A POTENTIAL LESSON FOR PRESIDENT TRUMP”. The California Review. Retrieved 2019–05–01.
“Macron appoints team to investigate French action during Rwandan genocide”. France 24. 2019–04–05. Retrieved 2019–05–01.
Samuel, Henry (2019–04–05). “France to throw open archives on Rwanda genocide to clarify its role 25 years after the massacre”. The Telegraph. ISSN 0307–1235. Retrieved 2019–05–01.
Willsher, Kim (26 March 2021). “France was not complicit in Rwandan genocide, Macron commission claims”. www.theguardian.com. Retrieved 26 March 2021.
“Guerre coloniale française et génocide rwandais : implication et négation, Catherine Coquio, Association internationale de recherche sur les crimes contre l’humanité et les génocides (AIRCRIGE)”. Pressafrique.com. December 14, 2005. Retrieved May 30, 2011.
The Genocide Fax The United Nations was warned about Rwanda. Did anyone care? The New Yorker May 2008
VATICAN — L’appel angoissé et répété du Pape pendant le génocide au Rwanda. Agencie Fides avril 1994.
Jean Paul II fut le premier à dénoncer ce génocide au Rwanda. Portaile Chatolique Suisse Octobre 2005
